Tuesday, October 25, 2011

Using Black children as guinea pigs


Published at Socialistworker.org.
ANOTHER HORRIFIC chapter in the history of American racism was revealed last month when a class action lawsuit was filed against the Kennedy Krieger Institute in Baltimore. The suit accuses the institute of intentionally exposing young Black children to lead paint and dust in order to study the effectiveness of various types of abatement strategies for decreasing lead levels in housing.
The suit alleges that beginning in 1993 and until 1999, Kennedy Krieger, which is affiliated with the prestigious Johns Hopkins University, moved Black families with children between the ages of 1 and 5 into apartments subsidized by the state, telling them that they were "lead safe."
However, the apartments allegedly contained lead dust and paint that put the children at great risk. Kennedy Krieger is accused of not informing parents of the risk of lead exposure and providing no medical care to children in the study.
Lead exposure is especially harmful to children; it can cause serious and permanent health problems, including learning disabilities and behavioral disorders.
These allegations have drawn comparisons to the infamous Tuskegee Experimentconducted by the United States Public Health Service from 1932 to 1972, in which hundreds of poor African American men were misled in order to study the affects of syphilis if left untreated.
Subjects in the study were not told they had syphilis; the government "deliberately denied treatment to the men with syphilis and they went to extreme lengths to ensure that they would not receive therapy from any other sources."
Many of the subjects died of syphilis, several passed it on to their wives, and many of their children were born with congenital syphilis, which can cause a host of serious health problems, including deformities, brain damage, seizures and death. The men were denied treatment for decades, even after penicillin was introduced as an effective treatment for syphilis in the 1940s.
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SIMILARLY, KENNEDY Krieger allegedly did not inform the parents of the low-income African American subjects of their study that they risked exposing their children to unsafe levels of lead paint and dust. The lawsuit claims that over 100 children were placed at risk of exposure.
According to the New York Times, the lead plaintiff in the suit against Kennedy Krieger, David Armstrong, says he brought his 3-year-old son to the institute for treatment for elevated lead levels in his blood.
Armstrong agreed to participate in a two-year study, but was not told this would mean exposing his son to lead. He and his son, unaware of the health risks, continued to live in the contaminated apartment after the conclusion of the study. According to theTimes:
Mr. Armstrong said blood was collected from his son for two years, but that no one told him the lead levels had increased. After the two-year mark passed, Mr. Armstrong said he continued to live in the two-bedroom apartment but did not hear from Kennedy Krieger.
During those two years, he said his son, now 20 years old, received no medical treatment for lead. Later, when Mr. Armstrong took his son to a pediatrician, the doctor detected blood lead levels two-and-a-half to three times higher than they had been before the family moved into the apartment.
Kennedy Krieger claims that the study "was conducted in the best interest of all of the children enrolled," citing the fact that "[with] no state or federal laws to regulate housing and protect the children of Baltimore, a practical way to clean up lead needed to be found so that homes, communities, and children could be safeguarded."
While that is certainly an argument for reforms to ensure lead-free housing for children in Baltimore and beyond, it does not justify the use of poor Black children as guinea pigs, subjecting them to the risk of permanent developmental disabilities and behavioral disorders, let alone without their parents' knowledge or informed consent.
The technology to test lead levels in paint had been available for decades prior to the study, and Kennedy Krieger was already aware of the crisis of lead poisoning among Black children in Baltimore because so many had been brought by their parents to the institute for care.
There were clear alternatives, such as the use of lead paint tests on animal subjects that did not involve violating the basic human right of Black children to a safe, lead-free home environment.
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WHILE THE allegations contained in the lawsuit against Kennedy Krieger are outrageous enough and demand justice and accountability, the fact remains that poverty exposes poor children, especially Black children, to lead paint on a scale far greater than that of the study.
More generally, the disproportionately poor health of Black children is the shame of a nation, a crime whose victims are defenseless children targeted because they happened to be born Black in the United States. It is a preventable catastrophe on a mass scale in our society, the result of poverty and institutionalized racism that are behind racial disparities in access to health care, housing and healthy food.
According to the United States Census Bureau, nearly 40 percent of Black children, or 4.8 million, live below the poverty line. This compares with 22 percent of all children in the country, and 12.4 percent of white children.
These figures understate the actual scale of poverty in the country, as the poverty line is artificially low, based on a measure of the standard of living that dates back to the 1950s. In order to count as officially poor, a family of four must make less than $22,113 per year. For a single parent with two children, that number drops to $17,568. Especially in large cities with high costs of living, families making twice that amount can have difficulties making ends meet.
Poverty forces families into substandard housing, especially African Americans, for whom decades of racist de facto and legal housing discrimination ("redlining") have pushed them into old, dilapidated, unsafe apartments and houses.
The risk of lead exposure is highest in housing built before 1978, when the federal government outlawed the use of white lead paint in homes. Black children are disproportionately likely to live in old, untreated housing contaminated with lead and with chipping lead paint, the most common source of exposure. They therefore suffer a relatively larger share of the impact of lead poisoning.
According to the Centers for Disease Control, from 1991 to 1994, around the time the Kennedy Krieger study began, 11.2 percent of Black children ages 1 to 5 had elevated blood lead levels, nearly five times the rate of 2.3 percent for white children the same age. Although these rates decreased significantly by 1999-2001, racial disparities remained, with 3.1 percent of Black children ages 1 to 5 suffering from elevated blood lead levels, over twice the rate of 1.3 percent for white children.
Lead paint exposure is just one of many ways that poverty and institutional racism harm Black children's health.
According to the Children's Defense Fund, when compared with whites, Black children are less likely to have health insurance, their mothers are less likely to have access to prenatal care, they suffer from asthma at a 50 percent higher rate, they are more likely to be overweight or obese, they are less likely to have access to dental care, and more than 25 percent do not receive full immunizations against childhood diseases.
Health disparities fueled by poverty and racism are responsible for a situation where Black children are almost twice as likely as whites to be born with low birth-weight, which increases the risk of behavioral and learning problems. And "Black infants are more than twice as likely as White infants to die before their first birthday," according to the Children's Defense Fund.
To make things even worse, when Black children exhibit the behavioral problems associated with lead poisoning and other health disparities, rather than receiving the health care they need, they are more likely to be funneled into the criminal injustice system instead. Approximately one in three Black men born in the early 21st century will go to prison during their lifetime.
The Kennedy Krieger Institute's study is emblematic of the 1990s, a decade that saw the continuation of the attacks on the gains of the civil rights movement that were a central focus of the rise of the right wing in the 1980s. These included the "war on drugs," which precipitated the rise and growth of a system of racist mass incarceration that has locked millions of African Americans behind bars for nonviolent offenses, what author Michele Alexander has dubbed the "New Jim Crow."
Central to racism is the dehumanization of the oppressed. In the United States, the dehumanization of people of African descent began with their enslavement over 300 years ago and persists to this day. It is this context of racial oppression that makes possible atrocities like the Kennedy Krieger Institute study.

Thursday, October 20, 2011

The NYPD's naked racism


Published at Socialistworker.org.
"I FRIED another nigger," said New York Police Department (NYPD) officer Michael Daragjati in a phone call to a friend. "Another nigger fried, no big deal." Daragjati was on patrol in Staten Island on April 15 when he did a "stop-and-frisk" of a 31-year-old Black man, searching him on the street.
Although he found no weapons or contraband on his victim, Daragjati is accused of responding to a supposed insult from the man by arresting him on trumped-up charges of resisting arrest, lying in the police report and to his supervisor, and subsequently making racist comments about his victim in text messages and phone calls to a friend.
Daragjati's epithets were recorded because his phone was being monitored as part of an investigation into an ongoing pattern of wrongdoing.
This vile racism has touched off a fresh storm of criticism of the NYPD and prompted the federal government to charge Daragjati with a civil rights violation for "trumping up charges against a Black man and lying on the police report."
Daragjati swore out a criminal complaint, falsely asserting the man had pushed and kicked him and 'flailed' his arms to prevent being arrested. Several other officers had witnessed the arrest, in which the man offered no resistance. The victim later pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct on the advice of his lawyer.
Stemming from these charges, Daragjati faces a possible year in prison and a $100,000 fine, and combined with charges in an unrelated case in which he is accused of beating and intimidating a man he suspected of stealing a snowplow from him, Daragjati could face up to $850,000 in fines and 60 years in prison.
This is not the first time Daragjati has been accused of racist and illegal practices. According to the Daily News, he "has been sued twice before for falsely arresting [Blacks]--the city settled one case for $12,500 and the other is pending."
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DARAGJATI'S RACIST abuse is the latest high-profile example of the systematic racism that runs through the NYPD. This isn't a matter of "a few bad apples," but of a rotten barrel that has produced a culture of brutality and racism that produces and protects officers like Daragjati.
Just last month, 17 NYPD officers were indicted for fixing tickets and other violations. Tapes from this case revealed widespread racism among the officers under investigation as well as many others. "The wiretap recordings at the heart of the probe captured conversations rife with racist and inflammatory remarks," according to theDaily News.
Lee Wengraf, an activist against police brutality in New York and member of the Campaign to End the Death Penalty, explained:
The reality is that police violence and police brutality are far from an exception. They are a day-to-day reality in poor communities and communities of color where police play a repressive role. The numbers of people of color targeted by stop-and-frisk in New York speak for themselves, as well as the hundreds of thousands who are detained or worse because of the color of their skin.
This pattern of brutality includes multiple cases of NYPD killings of unarmed Black men, including Amadou Diallo, a 23-year-old African immigrant shot 41 times in 1999 for the "crime" of reaching for his wallet on his own front porch--and Sean Bell, a 23-year-old Black who died in a hail of 50 police bullets the morning after Bell's bachelor party in 2006.
In both cases, officers charged in the shootings were found "not guilty."
Then there is the everyday bigotry of encounters with New York police. Stop-and-frisk is a widespread tactic employed by the NYPD where hundreds of thousands of mostly Blacks and Latinos are stopped and searched on the street each year without any valid cause for suspicion. The statistics show that the racism on vile display in Daragjati's boast is merely the most confident expression of a pattern that runs through the stop-and-frisk program.
In 2010, 601,055 people were stopped and frisked in New York City, according to the New York Civil Liberties Union. Of these, 86 percent were not charged with a crime, and 85 percent were Black or Latino, although Blacks and Latinos comprise just over 50 percent of city residents.
In Black and Latino neighborhoods, the NYPD's stop-and-frisk policy creates conditions akin to life under military occupation. For example, in just eight blocks of Brownsville, a predominately low-income African American neighborhood in Brooklyn,police made 13,200 stop-and-frisks in 2009, nearly one for each of the blocks' 14,000 residents. They resulted in arrests less than 1 percent of the time.
The stark racial disparities involved in stop-and-frisk searches by the NYPD contribute to the already overwhelming disparities in drug arrests and convictions. Although the practice is justified as an attempt to keep residents of "high-crime areas" safe, the truth is that over-policing in communities of color serves to manufacture the elevated crime rates that create the pretext for stop-and-frisk in the first place.
Stop-and-frisks often result in Blacks and Latinos being illegally arrested for open marijuana possession, according to a WNYC News investigation:
Under New York state law, possessing a small amount of pot becomes a crime--a misdemeanor--when it is smoked or displayed "open to public view." If the marijuana is concealed on the person, possession of the drug is only a violation, which is not a crime. The person receives a ticket and fine.
WNYC tracked down more than a dozen men arrested after a stop-and-frisk for allegedly displaying marijuana in public view. Each person said the marijuana was hidden--in a pocket, in a sock, a shoe or in underwear...They each said the police pulled the drugs out of his clothes before arresting him for having marijuana in public view.
Such searches are illegal because police are only legally allowed to search someone's pockets if they believe someone might possess a weapon.
More than 50,000 people were arrested in New York City in 2010 for marijuana possession, and 90 percent of them were Black and Latino, despite statistics that show that young Blacks and Latinos are less likely than whites to smoke marijuana.
Not only that, "a former New York City Police Department narcotics detective [recently] testified officers commonly planted drugs on innocent people in order to meet arrest quotas," alleging that the practice was widespread, including supervisors, undercover officers and investigators.
That's why stop-and-frisk is commonly understood as a form of intimidation and repression aimed at communities of color in New York City.
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THE NYPD has been mired in scandal in recent months, and the naked racism of Michael Daragjati is only the most recent revelation. NYPD officers were recently acquitted of raping a woman they were tasked with helping, despite admitting on tape to having sex with the victim while she was incredibly intoxicated.
And the brutality of the NYPD has been revealed to the world as a result of its heavy-handed response to peaceful Occupy Wall Street protests, which has included mass arrests, the pepper-spraying of women already in a police pen on the sidewalk, beating unarmed protesters with batons, charging them with horses, throwing them to the ground, and punching them in the face.
All this makes clear that the behavior of a cop like Michael Daragjati isn't the exception--but the NYPD rule.